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Beth Simmons header-background
Beth Simmons

Beth
Simmons

about

I am the Andrea Mitchell Professor of Law, Political Science, and Business Ethics at the University of Pennsylvania in Philadelphia. My research ranges from international political economy to international policy diffusion to international law to international human rights. Welcome to my website.

BethSimmons

I am the Andrea Mitchell Professor of Law, Political Science, and Business Ethics at the University of Pennsylvania in Philadelphia. I have been at Penn since 2016, having worked over the course of my career as an assistant professor at Duke University, an associate at the University of California at Berkeley, and a full professor at Harvard.

My research ranges from international political economy to international policy diffusion to international law to international human rights. My historical work on the interwar gold standard included research in the archives of the treasuries and centrals banks of England, France and the USA. I spent a year working in the Capital Market division of the International Monetary Fund, working on international monetary policy. My international human rights research benefitted from research sabbaticals at Stanford’s Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences and New York University Law School’s Straus Institute for Advanced Study of Law & Justice.

Most recently, my research has centered on the hardening of international borders. With generous financial support from the Carnegie Foundation and the National Science Foundation, I examine when, where and why some polities have grown increasingly anxious about porous state borders, and how governments have responded with border barriers. My border research has taken me on an extended exploration of the US-Mexican border; the borders of the United Arab Emirates and Oman; Norway and Russia; Chile and Venezuela, and Israel and its neighbors.

I currently teach primarily in the areas of international law and international relations. I teach at all levels, from undergraduates to law students to PhD candidates. I mentor post-doctoral researchers as well. Outside of the classroom, I have had administrative stints as the Director of the Weatherhead Center for International Affairs at Harvard, President of the International Studies Association, and have served as Deputy Dean at Penn Carey Law. It has been my honor to be inducted into the National Academy of Sciences, the American Academy of Arts and Sciences and the American Philosophical Society.

research

Select a topic below to learn more.

International Political Economy

International Human Rights

Global Diffusion

Global Performance Indicators

Borders and Boundaries

political economy

International political economy is about the economics of international politics and the politics of international economic choices and relationships.

international human rights

International human rights were created after World War II to try to reduce the suffering people experienced at the hands of officials and to safeguard a degree of human dignity.

global diffusion

In many cases, state policies are not independent. Rather, national choices – from human rights to capital market liberalization – tend to form waves.

global performance indicators

Global Performance Indicators (GPIs) are public assessments that rate, rank, and categorize state qualities, with aim to (re)define global standards and provoke action.

borders and boundaries

International borders are institutions that organize political and social life. These institutions are key to international relations because they define states themselves.

International Political Economy

International political economy is about the economics of international politics and the politics of international economic choices and relationships. This was one of my first areas of research. I wrote a m aster’s t hesis at the University of Chicago on norms of i nternational debt collection enforcement in the 19 th century, and then moved into the early 20 th century when I used a Fulbright Scholarship in London to research the founding of the International Bank for Settlements The BIS was founded as a managing institution for privatizing World War I war debts and reparations. That research revealed how active a role private financiers played in moving debts from states to private markets. My PhD dissertation of the same name became my first book, Who Adjusts? Domestic Sources of Foreign Economic Policy During the Interwar Years ( described under the book section of my website )

bank for international settlements

First unofficial meeting of the Bank for International Settlements, April 1930

who adjusts?

Who Adjusts?


My research into international political economy has been very heavily influenced by the path-breaking research and writing of my mentor, Robert Keohane. As a scholar of international cooperation, he influenced me to ask questions about the possibilities for and impediments to international economic cooperation among states. Who Adjusts? located at least part of the answer in domestic politics: the interwar gold standard would not be credible as long as markets believed that the representation of labor interests would inject inflationary pressures into financial markets. New domestic coalitions and configurations made international cooperation by the old rules newly impossible. Highly independent central banks were so concerned with fighting inflation, that they did not contribute to the international adjustment process.

The politics of monetary policy and capital markets formed the core of my research for several years. The Post-World War II years were quite a contrast to the interwar years: international economic relationships became much more institutionalized, with the United States at the core of the system, at least for a few decades. While working for a year in the Capital Markets Department of the International Monetary Fund, I began to research monetary (in)stability in this new setting. One of my articles looked at the importance of multilateral commitment, contained in Article VIII of the IMF statutes, for states to keep their current accounts free from restrictions, and I found that making an explicit declaration to do so had an important effect on currency openness and stability. This research began to spark my interest in the possible constraining power of international law. Another project in this phase included a theory of financial market regulatory harmonization . This research compared different kinds of regulations – for prudential capital in banks, for international accounting practices, for securities disclosures, and anti-money laundering – and argue that in some cases markets encouraged convergence, but in other cases (especially anti-money laundering) they did not.

International institutions such as the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and the World Trade Organization have played a significant role in structuring international economic relationships over the past 75 years. These institutions have rules and procedures for trade dispute settlement, which raises issues about who uses them, and to what ends? Research with Andrew Guzman focused on trade dispute settlement shows that escalation to a full-blown legal panel in the WTO depends on the divisibility of the issue at stake. Moreover, we found good evidence in dispute patterns that poor states appear to lack the financial, human, and institutional capital to participate fully in the dispute resolution system.

Finally, I have researched the liberalization and especially the protection of the interests of foreign direct investors. As discussed under my diffusion research, one of my major research findings, with Elkins and Guzman, is that competitive pressures have given rise to the spread of bilateral treaties among states that commit to standards of investment protection and dispute settlement. I have also explored the consequences of the spread of bilateral investment treaties globally and in East Asia. World-wide, capital importing states tend to sign investor protections in this form when they face recession, which affects their negotiating position and the substance of the commitments they make (to the advantage of investors rather than states). The pattern is not quite the same in East Asia, where states have adopted BITs when their economies were growing robustly. These articles demonstrate the political context for BITs negotiations, and suggest some possible criticisms of the nature and spread of investment dispute settlement.

increase fdi protection

International Human Rights

International human rights are a relatively recent legal innovation: they were created after World War II to try to reduce some of the suffering people experienced at the hands of officials and to safeguard a degree of human dignity. Most of my research has explored whether this level innovation has been successful, or at least helpful, in achieving these goals. Among academic researchers, I’m known as an optimist, although a read through my book, Mobilizing for Human Rights: International Law in Domestic Politics , is cautiously and conditionally optimistic. I argue that ratified international human rights treaties – for example, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the Convention Against the Discrimination Against Women, the Convention Against Torture, and the Convention on the Rights of the Child – have encouraged much better state effort and outcomes in favor of rights than would have been the case in their absence.

I do not believe that international human rights law has fully been complied with – far from it. But I always encourage people to think about what human rights practice around the world would look like in the absence of the increasingly dense and widely ratified set of treaties, declarations and other instruments in force since the Human Rights Commission negotiated the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which was accepted unanimously by members of the united Nations in 1948.

human rights instruments in force
human rights convention

My research since completing Mobilizing for Human Rights has bolstered the mechanisms of influence in the book and offered critiques of more skeptical researchers . In work with Zachary Elkins and Tom Ginsburg, we found that the human rights contained in the UDHR and the ICCPR had diffused substantially to national constitutions. In three articles with Cosette Creamer on the Torture Convention , the Women’s Rights Convention, (CEDAW) and other core treaties , we have shown that the process of state self-reporting and review by the treaty bodies has plausibly influenced treaty implementation and practice. With my co-authors, several of my articles critically analyze the logic and evidence behind claims that international human rights have been harmful rather than helpful for human rights.

international influences domestic politics

My human rights work has also intersected with an interest with international criminal law and its enforcement. Shortly after beginning Mobilizing for Human Rights, the International Criminal Court was established and had begun to prosecute serious international crimes – crimes against humanity, war crimes, genocides and egregious human rights violations of a systematic nature. This institution is puzzling: why would states join a Court with the authority potentially to put state agents behind bars for life? With Alison Danner, I found some early evidence for a theory of hands-tying : states without the capacity to credibly commit to try such cases in their own courts had motives to use the ICC to hold violators accountable. Next question: Without a police force or much tangible power, could such an institution succeed? Research with Hyeran Jo Right turned up significant evidence that ICC actions – investigations, warrants – were associated with reductions in intentional civilian killing. Though the evidence was stronger for non-state rebel groups than for state agents, we found evidence that the ICC had likely deterred violence against civilians in civil war settings.

monthly count LRA

Global Diffusion

The late 20th century, and especially the 1980s and 1990s, were a period of intense globalization of the world economy and brought a wave of democratic reforms in much of the world. Clearly interdependence among national economies was growing, but many of our explanations for policy choices were anchored in national politics. My research on policy diffusion shows that in many cases, state policies are not independent. Rather, national choices – from human rights to capital market liberalization to the spread of investment treaties – tended to form waves. Policy adoption tends to cluster in time, accelerated by coercion from powerful countries and institutions; economic competition for markets, trade and investment; learning from the experiences of other countries; and sometimes simply emulation of admired countries.

threshold model of policty adoption

My interests in international political economy sparked my research into how and why various economic policies diffused internationally. With Zach Elkins, we explored the crucial role of market competition for liberalizing capital flows in the 1980s and 1990s. We found evidence that countries liberalized their capital account, current accounts, and exchange rate policies when their economic competitors did so. With Andrew Guzman, we found that there were some strong competitive pressures to protect foreign direct investment by signing bilateral investment treaties as well.

spread of bilateral investment treaties

International norms around human rights protections have also been accelerated by diffusion processes, although the mechanisms are quite different from the case of economic liberalization. Focal human rights instruments, such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights have offered models for “appropriate” civil and human rights to include in national laws and constitutions. Even human trafficking laws tend to diffuse across countries, through the pressures of the United States and out of concern for negative externalities associated with transnational crime diversion.

Global Performance Indicators

As I was working on international human rights, I collected data about states’ “rights performance.” Working in the area of human trafficking, Judith Kelley and I came to realize that the “data” we were using was not necessarily an objective reality – rather, it might be useful to create reality. This phase of my research focused on Global Performance Indicators (GPIs), defined as regularized public assessments that rate, rank, and categorize state policies, qualities, and/or performance. Such indicators aim to (re)define global standards, spark interstate competition, and provoke action according to specific performance criteria.

Our research led us to see just how widespread the phenomenon of rating and ranking states was. Indeed, the practice of arraying information to elicit explicit comparisons seemed to be spreading among states, international organizations, and non-state actors. To better understand this phenomenon, we conducted interviews with GPI creators in London, Washington, DC, and New York during the summer of 2014. The raters explained how states reacted to being ranked: apparently, countries cared about how they compared to others. Our own analysis revealed that the State Department’s rating system in its Trafficking in Persons Report had significantly impacted countries’ criminalization of human trafficking through multiple causal mechanisms.

growth of global performance indicators (gpi)

Another paper on the theme of GPIs explored the influence of the World Bank’s Ease of Doing Business Indicators on states’ regulatory reforms. This research showed that governments were eager to compete over their ranking for ease of doing business – no doubt to attract foreign and domestic capital. This paper showed that states learned to please the bank, and when they did so, their reforms were much more likely to resemble the ranking criteria than when they took reforms on their own. A survey experiment of international investors confirmed the mechanism: investors were much more likely to consider investment in a country if they had a higher EDB ranking, controlling for other relevant governance and economic conditions. We came to understand the flurry of ranking creation and contestation as a governance struggle to encourage states to alter their behaviors in ways that the raters favored.

who creates global performance indicators (gpi)
where global performance indicators (gpis) come from
global performance measurement systems

Borders and Boundaries

I think of international borders as institutions that organize political and social life. These institutions are key to international relations because they define states themselves. They also have a special place in international law because they are defined by treaties between neighboring states. My early research focused on the important role that legal processes played in settling territorial and border disputes between states. It showed that international court decisions were generally very helpful in facilitating peaceful agreements about where, in fact, the border between two states should be. In one of my favorite studies, I demonstrated that when states settle their border disputes, their bilateral trade increases substantially. Traders and investors take border settlement as evidence of states’ peace intentions and good relations.

After taking a break from border research for a few years, I have returned to it with great interest. International borders have become very salient in international and domestic politics. Now, I focus less on border settlements, and much more on the politics of border management. Territorial divisions that form states are in tension with the processes of globalization that have taken off over the past three decades. My recent work points out the tension between a Sovereign Territorial Order and the Liberal International Order.

My most ambitious empirical project now underway is a massive effort to document border hardening around the world. I work with an NSF-funded team using satellite imagery, Google Earth, and precise geolocation to show exactly where and when border walls, border fences, border crossing inspection areas, and police stations have been built in border areas. When the COVID-19 pandemic hit and students lost jobs, we held a “Code-a-thon” in which a small army of paid student workers learned our processes and helped collect and code these images. We have developed the idea of “border orientation” which we conceptualize as a state’s latent preference for displaying a commitment to filter movements at its borders. We have used this concept to show that states with a strong border orientation are more likely to implement international travel bans than to restrict domestic behaviors that would reduce pandemic infections.

border orientation filtering capacity
border orientation

I am currently working with the texts of speeches given at the United Nations to show that border issues are becoming much more salient, more localized, more negative, and more emotional in the last ten years than in the past fifty. And state officials now talk much more about non-state threats at their international borders than threats from other states! These negative sentiments are sometimes more grounded in threat perceptions than in reality, but they accelerate the border hardening we have seen on the ground.

publications

My publications include books, edited volumes, and peer-reviewed articles.

Selected Articles

  • Human Rights

  • GPIs

  • Global Diffusion

  • Borders & Boundaries

  • Political Economy

  • Other

teaching

I teach courses in international relations and international law, as well as more specialized topics like international borders and international humanitarian and criminal law. My classes are often cross listed in political science and law. I teach at all levels, from undergraduate to law students to PhD students – sometimes in the same classes.

Courses

PSCI 353

LAW 708/PSCI 358

LAW 989/PSCI 550

LAW 945

Security and Anxiety at International Borders: Turkey and the USA in Global Perspective

Security and Anxiety at International Borders: Turkey and the USA in Global Perspective

Borders function as distinct markers of statehood and sovereignty, and yet are increasingly contested around the world by state and non-state actors. In this course we inquire into the role that national territorial and international borders have come to play in the national identities of the United States and Turkey. We will place these two countries in the context of their “neighborhoods” to understand the threats and opportunities seen to attend border spaces. By comparing the United States and Turkey the course explores how border policies are understood, produced, and implemented. The international and comparative focus reveals the extent to which what is facing the USA in terms of border security is perhaps not unique.

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International Law and International Relations

International Law and International Relations

This course is an introduction to public international law for students of international relations and an international relations class for law students. We explore the ways in which international law orders international (and sometimes domestic) politics. Emphasis throughout the course is on the relationship between law and politics, on understanding why international law operates as it does, and on issues and developments that illustrate the promise and limits of international law as a way to identify and solve international problems. The course embeds international law in international relations theory. We address the legal sources and how actors use law to organize for common purposes and to resolve disputes. Our exploration of international law also considers a series of contemporary challenges and critiques of international law from varying perspectives.

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Borders and Boundaries in International Relations

Borders and Boundaries in International Relations

This research seminar explores the meanings, rules and consequences of borders and boundaries in international relations. The first part of the course is about how territorial sovereignty and boundedness came to have meaning in international relations. The second part of the course focuses on border issues, actors, and consequences. We examine the meaning and function of boundary-making between states from multiple disciplines and perspectives: political science, international law, international relations, history, geography, sociology, and economics. Borders, border regions and border crossings have multiple meanings as designations of state authority, national security buffers, and expressions of social meaning and opportunities for economic integration. We explore their creation, challenges, and reinforcement over time and around the world. As a seminar designed primarily to stimulate research, we concentrate on formulating interesting research questions, thinking carefully about how to bring data to questions or hypotheses, and designing innovative research.

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Global Research Seminar The Colombian Armed Conflict and the Peace Agreement

Global Research Seminar The Colombian Armed Conflict and the Peace Agreement

The purpose of this course is to expose students to the major concepts and complexities of two crucial arms of public international law: International Humanitarian Law (IHL) and International Criminal Law (ICL). This course examines the relationship between these branches of law and investigates how they influence contemporary violent conflicts, peacemaking and transitional justice. It combines law and social science to understand how international law is used by and influences a range of actors in violent conflict, from Government actors to nongovernmental organizations armed rebels. A central theme of the course will be the challenges of peacemaking and the practice of transnational justice in the case of Colombia, including a one-week visit during term time.

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PhD Students

contact

I hope you have found my research and teaching interesting. My office is located in the Penn Carey Law Building at the University of Pennsylvania. Feel free to contact me by email using this form.

Penn Carey Law
3501 Sansom Street
Philadelphia, PA 19104-6204